PROFESSOR DR. ANTON CARAGEA ON HELSINKI AGREEMENT

EUROPE NEEDS A NEW HELSINKI ACCORD by Professor Anton Caragea PhD, MA, FINS

 

The conflict in Caucasus has proven that the European Union is unfortunately still in need of a coherent foreign policy. In March 2003, after the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq, EU member states decided in Brussels that never again would they be caught wrong-footed by international events. The result of this decision was the creation of the post of EU High Representative on Foreign Policy and the naming of Javier Solana as the czar of EU foreign affairs. But the Caucasus conflict proves that EU is still uncertain about its role in European affairs.

To craft a new status for the EU in the aftermath of this crisis, French President Nicolas Sarkozy requested an emergency meeting of EU leaders for September 1. It is time for Europe to keep its word and develop a coherent foreign policy. Such a bold initiative, however, requires a new agreement to replace the 1975 Helsinki Accords and address the new challenges to borders and sovereignty.

For its September 1 meeting and after, the EU must prove that it is capable of tackling sensitive problems in its own backyard without outside intervention. The most important item on the agenda will be countries like Kosovo, Abkhazia, and South Ossetia, which appeared on the world map only in the last six months. A second objective for European leaders is to strengthen the EU-Russia relationship.

The Caucasus crisis proves that the EU must be more engaged in international security issues and willing to assume peacekeeping missions not only in places like Lebanon but even in lands closer to home. In this process, the EU must find its own voice. Condemning Russia for its intervention turns the EU into a mere spokesperson for U.S. foreign policy rather than an independent entity. Moreover, if it doesn’t speak up in favor of the principle of territorial integrity, the EU itself will become vulnerable in the future.

No-Man’s Land Syndrome

Kosovo’s February 17 declaration of independence marked the birth of a new category for Europe after World War II: countries that have de facto sovereignty but not de jure status. These are virtual no-man’s lands. Kosovo’s independence was proclaimed in breach of both UN Resolution 1244 and the 1999 Rambouillet Accord that guaranteed Serbia’s territorial integrity. Also, Kosovo independence was against the UN Charter and the 1975 Final Agreement of Helsinki Conference that underlined the territorial integrity and security of European borders. Similarly, Abkhazian and South Ossetian independence are in breach of the UN Charter, the 1975 Helsinki Agreement, and UN Resolution 1808 that established the UNOMIG peacekeeping forces in Georgia in 2008.

All three countries establish a precedent that minority collective rights can prevail over national borders, territorial integrity, and the UN Charter. To accept this point of view is to open a Pandora’s box that will only unleash conflict and territorial claims all around the world. Minority collective rights will be a powerful rationale for large powers to intervene in what they perceive as their area of influence. Russia’s actions in Georgia are just such an assertion of regional power status.

Countries such as Kosovo, Abkhazia, and South Ossetia all contribute to the erosion of countries whose borders were internationally recognized and inscribed in the final act of the Helsinki Conference in 1975. If Europe doesn’t stop this proliferation of new countries, the epidemic will spread around the world. In Europe alone, the pursuit by minorities for sovereignty, as applied in Kosovo and Abkhazia, can be seen as well in Macedonia (with a large and concentrated Albanian minority), Spain (with the Basque and Catalan regions), and Belgium (with conflict between the Walloon and Flemish communities).

Europe is not the only continent with such ruptures. In South America, Venezuela is pressing for the creation of the so-called Rupununi state in Guyana; in Mexico the Chiapas Indians have been pushing for an autonomous state for more than 60 years; in North America, Québécois independence is a dream never forgotten. In Africa, too, civil wars have broken out as a result of separatist struggles, within Sudan (Darfur), Somalia (Somaliland), Congo (Katanga), and Nigeria (Biafra). Kurds push for independence in Turkey, and in South Asia the Kashmir cry for independence grows stronger every day.

A New Helsinki Agreement

In 1975, when the Cold War was far from over, the Helsinki Accords offered Europe a guarantee of peace and stability by confirming the borders of the old continent and establishing the way that new countries could be born. It was flexible enough to accommodate the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the Czechoslovakia partition of 1991, and the reunification of Germany. But the cases of Kosovo, South Ossetia, and Abkhazia have called into question the mechanisms of the Helsinki Accords.

The EU Summit on September 1 can not provide any long-term solution to this problem because almost half of Europe (in surface and population) are not members. These non-member countries are equally interested in resolving the crises of the no man’s lands.

Only a new international conference uniting all European countries together with Russia and the United States can reaffirm the Helsinki Accords and offer a solution to the present crises. Such an international conference is necessary to reconfirm borders and establish the principles by which further changes in Europe can take place. To continue on the present path, in which the United States supports Kosovo independence and Russia backs Abkhazia and South Ossetia, is to invite a large-scale, worldwide reinvention of borders.

Of course, a new Helsinki Accord could not be reached in a month. The initial conference required more then three years of preparation. But in the meantime we should establish a freeze on the recognition of new states and a general reinforcement of the principle of territorial integrity. In his August 26 speech, Russian President Dmitri Medvedev agreed to an international solution on border issues. The EU must follow suit and begin to draft a new Helsinki Accords on post-Cold War borders. On September 1, Europe must establish a new voice on international issues or it will no longer matter on the international stage.

ROMANIA-KAZAKHSTAN: 20 YEARS OF DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS

KAZAKHSTAN-ROMANIA : A STRATEGIC RELATION by professor dr. Anton Caragea MA, FINS, EDA

 

We have gathered here today in order to discuss about the remarkable achievements of the past 20 years of diplomatic relations, and above all, about the Romania- Kazakhstan friendship.

I shall not repeat all that has been discussed with so many details here: the extraordinary role of Kazakhstani investments in the Romanian energy sector, the amount of 3 billion $ speaks for itself about the essential role of these investments in the Romanian economy; therefore I do not aim to reiterate the extraordinary role of the Kazakhstani-Romanian cultural relations which will be enshrined by signing a new complete and broad bilateral agreement.

I wish to focus on a phrase found in the previous speeches and which calls upon the name of a current manifestation: Romania – Kazakhstan, a strategic partnership.
Very well, indeed, Romania has known how to be faithful to this concept and how to build a strategic partnership, for which I truly hope that will be applied not only for Central Asian countries but also for other states worldwide.
President Ion Iliescu and President Emil Constantinescu have described both clearly and with numerous details the importance and sometimes the difficulties of this strategic partnership in which both countries have known how to prove their friendship and interest in collaboration.

I shall mention only a few episodes of the past years showing the utility and the importance of this strategic partnership. In 2010, Kazakhstan was in charge of the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe Presidency in a tense environment in which the Russian and American concepts over the role and even of the organization’s utility were exacerbated, the last high level Summit of OSCE had taken place in 1999 at Istanbul and no compromise for any new summit was to be found.
It appeared impossible for young Kazakhstan, with its energetic but still young diplomacy to succeed this stunt.
Since the very first hours of the new presidency, Romania showed its availability to support Kazakhstani OSCE reformation and organizational reactivation concepts by means of a new high level summit. Romania had the wisdom along with Kazakhstani diplomacy to proceed in the best possible way : a summit of the wise held in Bucharest in which with calm, diplomacy and especially with strong arguments, the European intellectual elites and not only, were convinced of the OSCE reform necessity and of the organization’s future preservation through a new summit.
High ranked Romanian intellectual personalities such as President Ion Iliescu and President Emil Constantinescu took over the OSCE ideas’ flame and hence supported the OSCE reform. There was a clear test of how the strategic relations Romania – Kazakhstan functioned not only for the bilateral relation’s sake, but for the guardianship benefit of an organization with a notorious past, fallen in the shadows.
I was proud when the planted ideas in Bucharest, February of 2010 blossomed in Astana, December of 2010. It was more than Romania’s voice: it was the voice of Kazakhstan and of a functioning bilateral relation. When the world was wondering whether the Kazakhstan presidency would be a success, Romania gave an intellectual and resounding answer: YES.
Furthermore, at the Conference dedicated to 20 years of Kazakhstan independence in November 2011, the intellectual and academic Romanian elite under the guidance of natural leaders: President Emil Constantinescu and President Ion Iliescu knew how to place the conference’s importance on the 2nd position after Washington’s conference. These were other proofs of a working partnership. Moreover, on April 24th of 2012 Romania demonstrated once more its support for Kazakhstan, organizing the Candidacy support Exhibition for Astana at EXPO 2017. Thus, Romania was the first European country to do such a gesture, followed afterwards by Germany; I wish to highlight that Romania was the first country to support Astana for EXPO 2017.
My intention was just to list some of the past months’ moments in which Romania was faithful to its decision of building a strategic relation with Kazakhstan, a relation in which Romania’s voice is heard. Supporting Kazakhstan at OSCE, Romania supported the reform of a European organization which threatens to lose its importance; by supporting the 20 years celebration of Kazakhstan’s independence, Romania rang a bell for the model of democracy, development and security offered by Kazakhstan and President Nursultan Nazarbaev to the region and the rest of the world; assisting Astana for capital at EXPO 2017, Romania gives a signal of advancing, backing and not being afraid of 21st century’s transformations and Asian growth. Perhaps this is the secret of the strategic relation Romania – Kazakhstan, its benefits going beyond these two countries, the fruits of this friendship being directed worldwide.
May the strategic relation Romania – Kazakhstan further continue with the same great results!

KAZAHSTAN-ROMANIA: 20 DE ANI DE RELATII DIPLOMATICE

KAZAHSTAN-ROMANIA : O RELATIE STRATEGICA de prof.univ.dr.Anton Caragea

Ne-am adunat astăzi pentru a discuta despre realizările remarcabile ale ultimilor 20 de ani de relaţii diplomatice , dar mai presus de orice, 20 de ani de prietenie : România-Kazahstan.
Nu vreau să repet tot ceea ce s-a discutat cu atâtea detalii aici : rolul extraordinar al investitiilor Kazahstanului în sectorul energetic din România, suma de trei miliarde de dolari vorbeşte de la sine despre rolul esenţial al investiţiilor Kazahstanului în economia românească, nu vreau să reiterez rolul extrordinar al relaţiilor culturale româno-kazahe, ce va fi consfinţit prin semnarea unui nou , vast şi complet acord bilateral.
Vreau să mă concentrez asupra unei sintagme ce s-a regăsit în discursurile tuturor predecesorilor mei şi care atrage atenţia în numele chiar al manifestării ce ne uneşte astăzi : România-Kazahstan : un parteneriat strategic.
Ei bine , da , România a ştiut să fie credincioasă acestui concept şi să construiască un parteneriat strategic, ce nu pot decât să sper că va fi copiat în relaţie nu doar cu statele Asiei Centrale, dar şi cu statele din alte regiuni ale lumii.
Preşedintele Ion Iliescu şi Preşedintele Emil Constantinescu au descris amândoi clar şi cu nenumărate amănunte, importanţa şi uneori provocarile acestui parteneriat strategic, în care ambele ţări au ştiut să îşi demonstreze prietenia şi interesul în colaborare.
Eu am să menţionez doar câteva episoade ale ultimilor ani, arătând utilitatea şi importanţa acestui parteneriat strategic.
În anul 2010, Kazahstanul prelua Preşedinţia Organizaţiei pentru Securitate şi Cooperare în Europa, într-o atmosferă tensionată, în care concepţiile ruse şi americane asupra rolului şi chiar utilităţii organizaţiei erau exacerbate, ultimul summit la nivel înalt al OSCE avusese loc în 1999, la Istanbul, nici un compromis pentru un nou summit nu putea fi găsit.
Părea improbabil ca tânărul Kazahstan, cu diplomaţia sa energică, dar încă tânără, să reuşească acest tur de forţă.
Încă din primele ore ale noii preşedinţii România şi-a arătat disponibilitatea de a sprijinii conceptele Kazahstanului, de reformă a OSCE şi de reactivare a organizaţiei, printr-n nou summit la nivel înalt.
România a avut înţelepciunea, alături de diplomaţia kazahă să facă acest lucru în cea mai nimerită manieră: un summit al înţelepţilor, desfăşurat la Bucureşti, care cu calm, cu diplomaţie şi mai ales cu argumente forte să convingă elitele intelectuale ale Europei nu doar de necesitatea reformării OSCE, dar şi a prezervării acestei organizaţii pentru viitor printr-un nou summit.
Personalităţi de prim rang ale României intelectuale precum: Preşedintele Ion Iliescu şi Preşedintele Emil Constantinescu, au preluat flacăra ideilor OSCE şi au sprijinit reforma OSCE.
Era o probă clară de cum funcţionează raportul strategic România-Kazahstan, nu doar în beneficul relaţiei bilaterale, dar în beneficiul salvgardării unei organizaţii cu un trecut ilustru, dar căzută într-un con de umbră.
Am fost mândru când, ideile sădite la Bucureşti în februarie 2010, au răsunat în decembrie 2010 la Astana.
Nu era doar vocea României, era vocea Kazahstanului şi vocea unei relaţii bilaterale ce funcţionase.
Când lumea se întreba încă, daca preşedinţia kazahă va fi un succes, România dăduse răspunsul său intelectual şi răsunator: DA.
Să mai menţionez Conferinţa dedicata celor 20 de ani de independenţă ai Kazahstanului, din noiembrie 2011, când elita intelectuală şi academică a României, sub conducerea liderilor naturali: Preşedintele Emil Constantinescu şi Preşedintele Ion Iliescu a ştiut să facă din manifestarea de la Bucureşti, a doua conferinta ca importanţă, după conferinţa de la Washington.
O nouă dovadă a unui parteneriat care funcţionează.
Să mai menţionez că, în 24 aprilie 2012, România a ştiut din nou să dea un semnal al sprijinului pentru Kazahstan, organizând Expoziţia de sprijin pentru candidatura oraşului Astana la EXPO 2017.
Romania a fost astfel prima ţară europeană ce a făcut acest gest, urmată apoi de Germania, subliniez, decizia de la Bucureşti de a sprijinii Astana, drept capitală a viitorului, a EXPO 2017, a fost prima.
Am vrut doar să enumar câteva momente din ultimele luni, în care România a fost fidelă deciziei sale de a construi o relaţie strategică cu Kazahstanul , o relaţie în care vocea României se face auzită.
Sprijinind Kazahstanul la OSCE, România a sprijinit reforma unei organizaţii europene ce ameninţa a-şi pierde relevanţa.
Sprijinind marcarea celor 20 de ani independenţă ai Kazahstanului, România a dat un semnal de sprijin al modelului de democraţie, dezvoltare şi securitate oferit de Kazahstan şi de preşedintele Nazarbayev, regiunii şi lumii. Sprijinind Astana, drept capitală a EXPO 2017, România dă un semnal că merge inaintea noului , că sprijină şi nu se teme de transformările secolului XXI şi de creşterea rolului international al Asiei.
Poate acesta este secretul relaţiei strategice România –Kazahstan, beneficiile ei nu sunt limitate doar la cele două ţări, roadele acestei prietenii sunt oferite întregii lumi.
Fie ca relaţia strategică România –Kazahstan să continue în viitor cu aceleaşi bune rezulatate.